Politicians and political parties, when unconstrained by constitutional guardrails or statutory limits, have long demonstrated a remarkable ability to manipulate electoral rules to their advantage. Gerrymandering is among the most enduring and consequential examples of this practice.

The term itself dates back to 1812, when then-Massachusetts Gov. Elbridge Gerry signed legislation redrawing legislative districts to benefit his Democratic-Republican Party. A newspaper, the Boston Gazette, famously mocked one contorted district as resembling a salamander, giving rise to the term “gerrymander.” While the name may sound quaint, the strategy it describes is anything but. The objective remains clear: Concentrate opposition voters into a small number of districts while distributing one’s own supporters efficiently across many, thereby maximizing political advantage and securing representation far beyond what statewide voter preferences might justify.

Recent developments underscore how entrenched and aggressive this practice has become. In Texas, congressional districts were redrawn in a way that favors Republicans in 30 of 38 seats, a notable gain. In response, Virginia has pursued a redistricting approach that could give Democrats an advantage in 10 of its 11 districts, significantly shifting the balance in their favor. This tit-for-tat dynamic is no longer confined to a handful of states. Mid-decade redistricting, once an anomaly, has spread across North Carolina, Ohio, Missouri and California, with Florida still weighing its options. Yet despite these aggressive maneuvers, the overall partisan balance in the House of Representatives remains largely unchanged, revealing the limits of strategic mapmaking when both sides are equally determined to game the system.

Traditionally, redistricting occurred once every 10 years following the census, reflecting population shifts and preserving a sense of procedural fairness. The Supreme Court reinforced this principle in Wesberry v. Sanders, requiring districts of roughly equal population under the “one person, one vote” standard. But that norm is steadily eroding. Facing the prospect of losing congressional control and escalating political pressures, President Donald Trump encouraged Texas to redraw its districts midcycle. That decision triggered parallel responses in Democratic-leaning states, accelerating a dangerous cycle of retaliation.

The consequences extend far beyond partisan advantage. The erosion of redistricting norms contributes to a Congress that is increasingly polarized and structurally resistant to compromise. When electoral outcomes are largely predetermined by district design, the incentive to appeal to a broad cross-section of voters diminishes. Instead, candidates are driven to satisfy the most ideologically committed voters within their party primaries. The result is a legislature populated by extremes, less willing to negotiate and more inclined toward gridlock. In such an environment, legislative paralysis becomes the norm, and power gradually shifts toward the executive branch, which faces fewer institutional constraints in acting unilaterally.

This trajectory should concern anyone invested in the health of our democracy. Politics, at its best, is not a zero-sum contest where one side’s gain must come at the other’s expense. It is, or should be, a process of negotiation, compromise and shared progress. Yet today, only about 40 of the 435 House seats are considered genuinely competitive. In nearly 90% of districts, the decisive contest occurs not in the general election but in the party primary, an arena that often attracts the most ideologically driven voters. As a result, elected officials increasingly reflect the edges of the political spectrum rather than its center, making consensus both politically risky and practically rare.

Is there a path out of this vicious cycle? The Supreme Court addressed the issue in Rucho v. Common Cause (2019), ruling that partisan gerrymandering presents a political question beyond the reach of federal courts. In doing so, the court effectively removed itself as a referee in disputes over district fairness. Congress retains the authority, under Article I, Section 4 of the Constitution, to regulate congressional elections and could, in theory, prohibit partisan gerrymandering. But given the deep divisions within Congress, such legislation remains unlikely.

That leaves reform largely in the hands of the states and their citizens. As of April 2026, nine states — Alaska, Arizona, California, Colorado, Idaho, Michigan, Montana, New York and Washington — have adopted independent redistricting commissions, often composed of citizens rather than politicians, to draw district lines. In addition, courts in several states, including Florida, Maryland, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin, have interpreted their constitutions to limit partisan gerrymandering. Some states, such as Oregon and Michigan, have gone further by embedding explicit prohibitions against partisan advantage into their governing documents. These efforts represent meaningful attempts to restore fairness and public confidence, though they remain uneven and, in some cases, politically contested.

Still, it is important not to overstate the role of gerrymandering in driving polarization. Members of the United States Senate are elected statewide, without the influence of district boundaries. There are no Senate gerrymanders. Yet the Senate exhibits many of the same characteristics as the House: ideological rigidity, partisan division and legislative stalemate. The deeper problem, therefore, is not merely structural. It is cultural.

Former Sen. Lamar Alexander once reflected on the wisdom of his mentor, former Sen. Howard Baker, who often said, “The other fellow might be right.” That simple acknowledgment rooted in humility and openness has become increasingly rare in modern political discourse. Today’s environment rewards certainty and confrontation, not reflection and collaboration.

If we are to bridge the widening political divide, reform must extend beyond redistricting maps and legal frameworks. It must begin with a change in mindset. Public servants should approach their responsibilities with a measure of humility, recognizing that no party holds a monopoly on truth or wisdom.

Perhaps the most meaningful step forward is also the simplest: that those entrusted with governing begin each day with a quiet, honest reflection: I could be wrong.

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