It is hard to see what President Donald Trump could have done differently.

He faced the usual Trump Derangement Syndrome from his political opponents. He faced resistance from those who oppose almost any military action abroad. He faced public frustration over rising gas prices — even though gasoline was higher under Biden and, adjusted for inflation, higher under Obama. He faced weak poll numbers and the possibility that Republicans could lose the House and perhaps even the Senate in the midterms.

Yet Trump acted.

He ordered military strikes against Iran. He attacked a regime that for decades has funded terrorism, threatened America’s allies and repeatedly vowed the destruction of Israel, America and Western civilization.

Critics insist the threat was exaggerated. Iran has long denied it was building a nuclear weapon. It claimed it needs nuclear capacity for civilian purposes.

But the evidence points in the opposite direction.

In February 2025, a confidential report by the International Atomic Energy Agency, obtained by the Associated Press, found that Iran had accumulated 274.8 kilograms of uranium enriched to 60% purity — a level the IAEA described as only a short technical step away from weapons-grade material. The report also found that Iran’s stockpile had grown dramatically in just a few months.

Seven months later came another warning. In September 2025, the Associated Press reported on yet another confidential IAEA assessment. According to that report, Iran had increased its stockpile of uranium enriched to near weapons-grade levels to more than 440 kilograms before Israel launched military operations against its nuclear facilities.

The trend line was unmistakable. Iran’s negotiators reportedly told Trump’s negotiators the regime possessed enough enriched uranium to make 11 nuclear bombs. Iran was not moving away from nuclear-weapons capability. It was moving steadily toward it.

Supporters of President Barack Obama’s Iran deal often forget two important facts.

First, the agreement contained sunset provisions. Key restrictions were scheduled to expire. Even if Iran had complied fully with the deal, many of the most important limitations would by now have been approaching expiration or already gone. Second, Iran was not complying fully. For years, the IAEA raised questions about undeclared nuclear material, restricted inspections and unresolved safeguards issues. The agency repeatedly complained about a lack of cooperation from Tehran and warned about the unprecedented size of Iran’s stockpile of highly enriched uranium.

Peaceful nuclear programs do not require massive quantities of uranium enriched to levels that are a short technical step from weapons-grade material. Nor do peaceful programs generate confidential reports expressing grave international concern over undeclared activities and unanswered questions.

How much longer could the United States ignore the top state sponsor terror as it marches steadily toward building nuclear bombs while its leaders chant, “Death to America”? Critics call Trump’s action “a war of choice.” It was. He had the choice to push this existential threat on to the desk of his successor as did other presidents.

Asked if he would give Trump credit if the not yet released memorandum of understanding achieved Trump’s objectives, Sen. Jack Reed (D-R.I.), the leading Democrat on the Armed Services Committee, responded by defending Obama’s Iran Deal.

Iran is significantly weaker than it was three months ago. Its military prestige is in shambles. Its ability to support terror proxies is diminished. Its nuclear infrastructure sustained serious damage. Now comes the next phase. The deal’s details remain unsettled. But one thing seems certain.

Iran will cheat.

The only questions are when and to what degree. That leads to the real issue: What will Trump do when this happens?

He has demonstrated a willingness to use force. He has demonstrated a willingness to ignore popular opinion when he believes American vital interests are at stake.

If Iran violates the agreement, Trump will likely intensify pressure, military and economic, and continue squeezing its leadership until it either changes course, pays a much higher price or until the unpopular regime collapses.

Three months ago, Iran’s nuclear ambitions appeared stronger than ever. That is clearly no longer the case. Our military remains in the region with a gun pointed to the heads of the Iranian leaders. For all the outrage and hand-wringing from much of the country and the “international community,” America and the world are better off than they were before Trump acted.

History may ultimately judge that the greatest risk was not acting. It was waiting too long.

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