LBJ’s Big Switch from Intimidation to Entitlement to Control Minority Voters
In 1857, the Supreme Court, with 7 of the 9 Justices being Democrat, decided that Dred Scott was not a citizen, but property.
Chief Justice Roger Taney was appointed by the first Democrat President, Andrew Jackson.
Taney wrote in his Dred Scott decision that slaves were “so far inferior … that the Negro might justly and lawfully be reduced to slavery for their own benefit.”
Abraham Lincoln rejected this. He did not believe in “stare decisis” - that he had to honor the precedent of the Dred Scott decision, stating June 28, 1857:
“We think the Dred Scott decision is erroneous. We know the court that made it, has often over-ruled its own decisions, and we shall do what we can to have it to over-rule this …”
“Why this same Supreme Court once decided a national bank to be constitutional; but General Jackson, as President of the United States, disregarded the decision … (stating in) his veto message:
‘It is maintained by the advocates of the bank, that its constitutionality … ought to be considered as settled by precedent, and by the decision of the Supreme Court …
To this conclusion I cannot assent. Mere precedent is a dangerous source of authority, and should not be regarded as deciding questions of constitutional power.’”
Lincoln, the first Republican President, referenced the Dred Scott decision in his Inaugural Address, March 4, 1861:
“If the policy of the Government upon vital questions affecting the whole people is to be irrevocably fixed by decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made … the people will have ceased to be their own rulers.”
Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation, January 1, 1863, but Congress considered it an overreach of Presidential power.
Lincoln then supported the Republican Congress passing the 13TH AMENDMENT, which abolished slavery throughout America, effective December 6, 1865.
Once Southern Democrats were forced to free their slaves, they attempted to re-enslave them by passing Black Codes. These required former slaves to be “apprenticed” to “employers” and be punished if they left.
In many cases, the fate of sharecroppers was little better than slavery.
Black Codes were also called “Jim Crow Laws,” referring to a 1828 New Orleans riverboat song called “Jump Jim Crow,” in which a black-faced performer appeared in a mocking caricature and danced:
“Weel about and turn about and do jis so, Eb'ry time I weel about I jump Jim Crow.”
Many Democrat Black Codes prohibited blacks from owning guns, such as in Mississippi, 1865:
“No freedman, Negro, or mulatto shall carry or keep firearms or ammunition.”
On November 22, 1865, Republicans denounced Mississippi’s Democrat legislature for enacting Black Codes as they institutionalized discrimination.
On February 5, 1866, Republican Congressman Thaddeus Stevens introduced legislation to give former slaves “40 acres and a mule,” but Democrats opposed it, led by President Andrew Johnson.
On April 9, 1866, Republicans in Congress overrode President Johnson’s veto and passed the Civil Rights Act of 1866, conferring rights of citizenship on freed slaves.
To force Southern States to extend the rights of State citizenship to former slaves, Republicans passed the 14TH AMENDMENT, May 10, 1866, in the U.S. House, and June 8, 1866, in the U.S. Senate.
One hundred percent of Democrats voted against it.
The 14TH AMENDMENT was adopted by the States on JULY 28, 1868.
Republican Congressman John Farnsworth of Illinois stated, March 31, 1871:
“The reason for the adoption (of the 14TH AMENDMENT) … was because of … discriminating … legislation of those States … by which they were punishing one class of men under different laws from another class.”
Along with Jim Crow laws, Southern Democrats attempted to keep former slaves from voting.
On January 8, 1867, Republicans granted voting rights to former slaves in the District of Columbia by overriding President Andrew Johnson’s veto.
On July 19, 1867, Republicans passed more legislation protecting voting rights of all freed slaves, again, after overriding President Andrew Johnson’s veto.
On March 30, 1868, Republicans began impeachment proceedings against President Andrew Johnson.
On September 12, 1868, Democrats in Georgia’s Senate expelled black civil rights activist Tunis Campbell and 24 other Republican African-Americans, who would later be reinstated by a Republican Congress.
On October 22, 1868, while campaigning for re-election, Republican Congressman James Hinds was assassinated by Democrats who had organized vigilante groups.
The 15TH AMENDMENT, granting the right to vote to all men regardless of race was passed February 3, 1870, overcoming 97 percent Democrat opposition.
Once Southern Democrats could no longer keep former slaves from voting, they attempted to intimidate them through Antifa-type KKK vigilante mobs and terrorist lynchings.
Systemic, institutionalized racism is NOT a black versus white issue, it is a Republican versus Democrat issue.
In the era called “Reconstruction,” Republican President U.S. Grant signed the Enforcement Act, May 31, 1870, which imposed stiff penalties for depriving any American, black or white, of their civil rights.
The Republican Congress, June 22, 1870, created the U.S. Department of Justice to safeguard civil rights against Democrats in the South.
The Republican Congress passed another Enforcement Act, February 28, 1871, which provided federal protection for black voters.
The Republican Congress enacted the Ku Klux Klan Act, April 20, 1871, outlawing Democrat-affiliated intimidation groups which oppressed and terrorized black neighborhoods.
The secretive group took its name from “kuklos,” the Greek word for “circle.”
A black Republican civil rights leader in Philadelphia was Octavius V. Catto, an eloquent intellectual, trained in classical languages.
He was repeatedly threaten for advocating for equality.
Catto was murdered by a Democratic Party operative on October 10, 1871.
Republican President Ulysses S. Grant deployed U.S. troops on October 18, 1871, to combat violence against African Americans.
The Republican Party splintered into rivalries during the 1876 Presidential Election.
Democrats agreed to support candidate Rutherford B. Hayes if he would end Reconstruction by pulling Federal troops out of the South.
Unfortunately, this gave a green light to Democrat racism and lynchings.
Democrats called the white Republicans “radicals,” and lynched them along with blacks.
The Tuskegee Institute recorded that from 1882-1968, 3,446 blacks and 1,297 whites were lynched — the whites being “radical” Republicans who were caught registering freed blacks to vote.
Republican President Theodore Roosevelt stated in his State of the Union Address, December 3, 1906:
“White men are lynched, but the crime is peculiarly frequent in respect to black men …
… Governor Candler, of Georgia, stated … ‘I can say of a verity that I have, within the last month, saved the lives of half a dozen innocent Negroes who were pursued by the mob, and brought them to trial in a court of law in which they were acquitted.’
… As Bishop Galloway, of Mississippi, has finely said: ‘The mob lynches a Negro charged with rape will in a little while lynch a white man suspected of crime. Every Christian patriot in America needs to lift up his voice in loud and eternal protest against the mob spirit that is threatening the integrity of this Republic …’”
“There is but one safe rule … that is, to treat each man, whatever his color, his creed, or his social position, with even-handed justice …
Reward or punish the individual on his merits as an individual. Evil will surely come in the end to both races if we substitute for this …
Every lynching represents … a loosening of the bands of civilization … No man can take part in the torture of a human being without having his own moral nature permanently lowered.
Every lynching means just so much moral deterioration in all the children who have any knowledge of it, and therefore just so much additional trouble for the next generation of Americans.”
Republican Theodore Roosevelt was the first President to have a black man, Booker T. Washington, as a guest for dinner in White House, October 16, 1901.
Democrats were furious. Southern Democrat newspapers condemned Roosevelt for it, as printed in The Memphis Scimitar:
“The most damnable outrage which has ever been perpetrated by any citizen of the United States was committed yesterday by the President, when he invited a n—– to dine with him at the White House.
It would not be worth more than a passing notice if Theodore Roosevelt had sat down to dinner in his own home with a Pullman car porter, but Roosevelt the individual and Roosevelt the President are not to be viewed in the same light.”
One of the Black Codes was that blacks had to ride separate, and often inferior, railroad cars.
In 1892, a black man, Homer Plessy, was arrested for violating the Louisiana Separate Car Act.
The Supreme Court upheld the racial discrimination in Plessy v. Ferguson, 1896, calling it “separate but equal.”
During the Spanish-American War, black and white soldiers and sailors were integrated in the military.
Democrat President Woodrow Wilson considered the Plessy v. Ferguson decision as “stare decisis”- settled law, and proceeded to segregate the U.S. Army, U.S. Navy, Postal Service, and other Federal offices.
Wilson told a protest delegation in 1914, led by their black representative Monroe Trotter:
“Segregation is not humiliating, but a benefit, and ought to be so regarded by you gentlemen.
If your organization goes out and tells the colored people of the country that it is … a benefit, they will regard it the same.
The only harm that will come will be if you cause them to think it is a humiliation.”
Monroe Trotter replied:
“Soon after your inauguration began, segregation was drastically introduced in the Treasury and Postal departments by your appointees.”
Democrat President Wilson snapped at Monroe Trotter:
“If this organization is ever to have another hearing before me it must have another spokesman. Your manner offends me … Your tone, with its background of passion.”
Wilson screened the pro Klu Klux Klan movie, The Clansman (1915), in the White House, which led to a revival of KKK membership.
Democrat President Franklin D. Roosevelt appointed former KKK member, Senator Hugo Black of Alabama, to be a Justice on the U.S. Supreme Court.
To gain support of the Democrat South, FDR agreed to block enforcement of anti-lynching laws.
Democrat Congressman Lyndon B. Johnson from Texas stated:
“(This civil rights bill) is a farce and a sham … in the guise of liberty. I am opposed to that program. I have voted against the so-called poll tax repeal bill … I have voted against the so-called anti-lynching bill.”
During World War II, Republican General Dwight Eisenhower forbade racism and made the decision to arm black American soldiers with weapons.
In 1948, running as the States’ Rights Democrat candidate for President, Strom Thurman stated in a campaign speech:
“I wanna tell you, ladies and gentlemen, that there’s not enough troops in the army to force the Southern people to break down segregation and admit the Nigra race into our theaters, into our swimming pools.”
In 1952 and 1956, a majority of black Americans voted for Republican President Eisenhower.
In 1953, Eisenhower’s Vice President, Republican Richard Nixon chaired a committee which sought to eliminate discrimination on the basis of race or color in the employment practices of government contractors.
In 1954, Supreme Court Justices rejected the “stare decisis” of Plessy v. Ferguson’s “separate but equal” and gave its Brown v. Board of Education decision, prohibiting racial discrimination.
Eisenhower immediately ordered the desegregation of Washington, D.C. public schools.
In 1957, Republican Eisenhower proposed a civil rights bill to enforce the 15th Amendment, strengthening the rights of blacks to vote.
Instead of voting for it, Democrat Senator John F. Kennedy delayed it by voting to have it sent to the Senate Judiciary Committee.
Doris Kearns Goodwin, in Lyndon Johnson and the American Dream: The Most Revealing Portrait of a President and Presidential Power Ever Written (NY: New American Library, 1977, p. 155), quoted Democrat Senator Lyndon Johnson telling Democrat Senator Richard Russell regarding the Civil Rights Act of 1957:
“These Negroes, they’re getting pretty uppity these days and that’s a problem for us since they’ve got something now they never had before, the political pull to back up their uppityness.
Now we’ve got to do something about this, we’ve got to give them a little something, just enough to quiet them down, not enough to make a difference.
… For if we don’t move at all, then their allies will line up against us and there’ll be no way of stopping them …
We’ll lose the filibuster and there’ll be no way of putting a brake on all sorts of wild legislation.
It’ll be Reconstruction all over again.”
On September 4, 1957, Democrat Arkansas Governor Orval Faubus stood at the door of Central High School in Little Rock, accompanied by the Arkansas National Guard, and blocked nine black students from coming inside.“
Southern Democrat Governors resisted desegregation.
Republican Eisenhower sent Federal troops to force racial integration of southern public schools.
Democrat Birmingham Commissioner Bull Connor, who had close ties with the KKK, used fire hoses and police dogs on blacks. He stated in 1957:
”(Segregation) laws are still constitutional and I promise you that until they are removed from the ordinance books of Birmingham and the statute books of Alabama, they will be enforced in Birmingham to the utmost of my ability and by all lawful means.“
Former Republican Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice stated on The View, March 1, 2018:
"Let me tell you why I’m a defender of the Second Amendment.
I was a little girl growing up in Birmingham, Alabama, in the late fifties, early sixties. There was no way that Bull Connor and the Birmingham Police were going to protect you.
And so when White Knight Riders would come through our neighborhood, my father and his friends would take their guns and they’d go to the head of the neighborhood, it’s a little cul-de-sac and they would fire in the air, if anybody came through.
I don’t think they actually ever hit anybody. But they protected the neighborhood.
And I’m sure if Bull Connor had known where those guns were he would have rounded them up. And so, I don’t favor some things like gun registration.”
In 1958, Republican President Eisenhower met with Rev. Martin Luther King Jr., in the White House.
Eisenhower proposed a Civil Rights bill in 1959, but Senate Democrats filibustered it and watered it down.
In 1959, when Southern Democrats demanded the proposed civil rights bill include a provision, that if anyone violate the law, they should be tried before an all-white jury, Republican Vice-President Nixon gave the deciding vote in the Senate to kill the Southern amendment.
Alabama’s Democrat Governor George Wallace, in 1963, blocked the entrance to the University of Alabama, stating “segregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever.”
Federal troops escorted black students to class.
In the Democrat south, after the Birmingham Children’s Crusade Protest in 1963 where police dogs and fire hoses were used against blacks, President Kennedy called for a bill emulating the Republican Civil Rights Act of 1875.
Southern Democrats who opposed desegregation included former KKK klansman Senator Robert Byrd, the longest serving Democrat Senator and the Senate Majority Leader.
Confirming his Party’s deep-seated racism, Byrd admitted:
“You had to be in the Klan to advance in the Democrat Party.”
Upon his death, Democrat Secretary of State Hillary Clinton stated:
“Today our country has lost a true American original, my friend and mentor Robert Byrd … It is almost impossible to imagine the United States Senate without Robert Byrd.
He was not just its longest serving member, he was its heart and soul. From my first day in the Senate, I sought out his guidance.”
Democrat Senators, including Democrat Senator Albert Gore, Sr. , filibustered Republican Civil Rights legislation nonstop for 71 days, from March 30 to June 10, 1964.
Southern Democrats fervently opposed it, as Democrat Senator Richard Russell in 1964:
“We will resist to the bitter end any measure or any movement which would have a tendency to bring about social equality and intermingling and amalgamation of the races in our (Southern) states.”
Senator Strom Thurmond stated in 1964:
“This so-called Civil Rights Proposals, which the President has sent to Capitol Hill for enactment into law, are unconstitutional, unnecessary, unwise and extend beyond the realm of reason.
This is the worst civil-rights package ever presented to the Congress and is reminiscent of the Reconstruction proposals and actions of the radical Republican Congress.”
On June 10, 1964, Democrat Senator Robert Byrd filibustered the Civil Rights Bill for 14 hours and 13 minutes.
A watered-down compromise bill was signed by President Lyndon Johnson on July 2, 1964.
Dinesh D'Sousa pointed out (The Independent Whig, Sept. 1, 2016):
“More Republicans proportionally voted for that Civil Rights Act in ‘64, and the voting rights act in '65, and the fair housing bill in '68, than Democrats did.”
Lyndon Johnson immediately followed this up by introducing his socialist Great Society entitlement welfare programs.
The Big Switch
“The Big Switch” was NOT Republicans and Democrats switching places regarding race issues, it was the Democrat Party switching tactics on how to manipulate racial minorities.
The phrases “the bribe or the bullet,” and “the silver or the lead,” refer to positive or negative human motivations.
Parents and preschool teachers are familiar with motivating children through negative disciplinary consequences or with positive rewards, such as a piece candy.
From the Civil War to Lyndon Johnson, Southern Democrats utilized the negative motivation of intimidation to keep African Americas from voting.
But as television and media reporting revealed the horrors of these intimidation tactics, it was bad press for the Democrat Party.
Political strategists proposed a different tactic to control minority voters, namely, switching from “intimidation” to “entitlement.”
In other words, instead of suppressing the African American vote through intimidation, the African American vote could be controlled through dependency on entitlement programs.
According to Ronald Kessler’s book, Inside The White House (1996), Lyndon Johnson, who had a reputation for vulgarity in private conversations, explained his big switch strategy change from intimidation to entitlement to two Democrat governors aboard Air Force One, saying:
"I’ll have those n****rs voting Democratic for the next 200 years.“
Malcolm X exposed this liberal Democrat tactic in a 1963 address:
"The white liberal differs from the white conservative only in one way: the liberal is more deceitful, more hypocritical than the conservative.
Both want power, but the white liberal is the one who has perfected the art of posing as the Negro’s friend and benefactor,
and by winning the friendship and support of the Negro, the white liberal is able to use the Negro as a pawn or a weapon in this political football game that is constantly raging between the white liberal and the white conservative.
The American Negro is nothing but a political football and the white liberals control this ball through tricks or tokenism, false promises of integration and civil rights.
In this game of deceiving and using the American Negro, the white liberals have complete cooperation of the Negro civil rights leaders who sell our people out for a few crumbs of token recognition, token gains, token progress.”
Lyndon Johnson’s Great Society Welfare State proceeded to enroll large numbers of minorities into entitlement programs.
At first this was difficult, as most blacks were independent and self-reliant, averse to being dependent on gifts from an all-powerful government.
This attitude was expressed by George W. Carver, who wrote in A Brief Sketch of My Life, 1922 :
“ I would never allow anyone to give me money, no difference how badly I needed it. I wanted literally to earn my living.”
Democrat social workers overcame this initial opposition from those “too proud” to take a hand out, and enrolled increasingly larger numbers.
This gradually led to a cultural shift of generational dependency, and with it, a strong tendency for recipients to vote for Democrat candidates who promised more hand outs.
In other words: more dependents translates into more votes.
As lower income voters grew more dependent on government programs, it proportionally increased the Democrat Party’s voting constituency.
Alexis de Tocquevill e warned:
“The American Republic will endure, until politicians realize they can bribe the people with their own money.”
Attracting voters by promising hand outs was a tactic predicted back in 1857, in a letter Britain’s Lord Thomas MacCauley wrote to New York’s Democrat Secretary of State, Henry S. Randall:
“Distress … makes the laborer … discontented, and inclines him to listen with eagerness to agitators who tell him that it is a monstrous iniquity that one man should have a million while another cannot get a full meal …
The day will come when, in the State of New York, a multitude of people, none of whom has had more than half a breakfast … will choose a Legislature …
On one side is a statesman preaching patience, respect for vested rights, strict observance of public faith.
… On the other is a demagogue ranting about the tyranny of capitalists … and asking why anybody should be permitted to drink champagne and to ride in a carriage while thousands of honest folks are in want of necessaries.
Which of the two candidates is likely to be preferred by a working man who hears his children cry for more bread?”
Plato described in his Republic, 380 BC, how a tyrant will seize power by taking money away from his political opponents and funneling it to his political supporters:
“Their leaders deprive the rich of their estates and distribute them among the people.”
Julius Caesar worded it this way:
“Use money to get men and use men to get money.”
George Bernard Shaw stated:
“A government policy to rob Peter to pay Paul can be assured of the support of Paul.”
This “bribe for votes” tactic was used by Juan Perón to seize political power in Argentina.
Hugo Chavez used it to seize political power in Venezuela.
Vote-buying eventually leads to national bankruptcy, as Margaret Thatcher warned:
“The problem with socialism is that you eventually run out of other people’s money.”
Promotion of dependency for political purposes also led to a change in immigration policy.
Lyndon Johnson, with the help of Democrat Senator Edward Kennedy, changed immigration quotas to bring in more immigrants from poorer, third world countries.
These could be immediately enrolled in entitlement programs, and thus, be inclined to vote for the party promising to continue free benefits.
LBJ’s immigration policy change initiated a demographic transformation reminiscent of the Fall of Rome.
Will and Ariel Durant wrote in The Story of Civilization (Vol. 3-Caesar and Christ, Simon & Schuster, 1944, p. 366):
“If Rome had not engulfed so many men of alien blood in so brief a time …
If she had occasionally closed her gates to let assimilation catch up with infiltration, she might have gained new racial and literary vitality from the infusion, and might have remained a Roman Rome, the voice and citadel of the West.”
In other words, a person needs food, but they should only eat it as fast as their body can assimilate it.
A nation needs immigrants, but they should only be brought in as fast as the “body-politic” can assimilate them.
An example of the political impact of policies was the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986, coupled with NAFTA (1994 North American Free Trade Agreement).
NAFTA created dozens more globalist Mexican billionaires, but robbed poorer Mexican families of their means of livelihood, spurring a migration north to cross U.S. borders.
These policies contributed to California transitioning from a Republican state into a Democrat state.
If more immigrants can be let into a state, and counted in the census, the state will gain more congressional districts, increasing its power in Congress.
And since Electoral votes are allotted to each state based on their number of congressional districts, plus two senators, and since the President is elected by Electoral votes, if a state can increases its population, it will get a greater say in determining who the next President will be.
The Center for Immigration Studies reported December 19, 2019:
“The presence of all immigrants … will redistribute 26 seats in the House in 2020 …
Of the 26 seats that will be lost, 24 are from states that voted for Donald Trump in 2016.
Of states that will gain House seats because of immigration, 19 seats will go to the solidly Democratic states of California, New York, New Jersey, Massachusetts, and Illinois …
Immigration profoundly redistributes political power at the federal level by changing the apportionment of House seats and votes in the Electoral College.”
Another observation is, that as homelessness and crime increase in major cities, many with families and financial means (i.e.. Republicans) move out.
The city is left with a higher percentage of dependents (i.e.. Democrats).
Thus, more city crime effectively results in a Democrat monopoly on city government.
And since major cities often determine which party wins the state in Presidential elections, and with it all of the state’s Electoral votes, increased city crime increases Democrat influence in Presidential elections.
What has been the impact of the socialist Welfare State on families and neighborhoods?
Lyndon Johnson’s Great Society Welfare State provided more money to a household if the father was not present in the home.
This adversely affected the strong church-centered black families and neighborhoods.
Robert Rector and Rachel Sheffield, writing for The Heritage Foundation, stated in “Backgrounder #2955 on Poverty and Inequality” that prior to LBJ’s “War on Poverty,” less than 2 percent of the Federal Budget was on welfare spending.
Fifty years later, spending on anti-poverty programs mushroomed to 27 percent of the Federal Budget, costing $22 trillion (adjusted for inflation), three times the cost of all U.S. military wars since the Revolution, yet the percentage of people in poverty has not improved.
Before LBJ’s “War on Poverty,” less than 5 percent of children were born to unmarried parents. 50 year later it has skyrocketed to 40 percent.
Before LBJ’s “War on Poverty,” less than 10 percent of U.S. children lived in single parent households. 50 years later that number has exploded to 33 percent, with the poverty rate of single female parent households growing to 37.1 percent.
In 1965, Labor Department sociologist Daniel Patrick Moynihan reported that 25 percent of all black children were born illegitimately.
In 2015, that number had grown to 72 percent.
African-American economist Walter E. Williams, a Distinguished Professor of Economics at George Mason University, wrote in “The Welfare State’s Legacy” (9/20/17):
“In 1960, just 22 percent of black children were raised in single-parent families.
Fifty years later, more than 70 percent of black children were raised in single-parent families.
Here’s my question:
Was the increase in single-parent black families after 1960 a legacy of slavery, or might it be a legacy of the welfare state ushered in by the War on Poverty?”
Tim Goeglein, Deputy Director of the White House Office of Public Liaison 2001-2008, writing for Focus on the Family Citizen Magazine (2016), stated:
“This is perhaps the most dismal legacy of the Johnson years, and a sad testament to the vision of social planners who believed more government would mean stronger families and marriages.”
African American Republican Rep. J.C. Watts, Jr., stated February 5, 1997:
“For the past 30 years our nation’s spent $5 trillion trying to erase poverty, and the result, as you know, is that we didn’t get rid of it at all. In fact, we spread it.
We destroyed the self-esteem of millions of people, grinding them down in a welfare system that penalizes moms for wanting to marry the father of their children, and penalizes moms for wanting to save money. Friends, that’s not right.”
Internationally renown Pediatric Neurosurgeon Dr. Ben Carson was appointed U.S. Secretary of Housing and Urban Development. He stated:
“My mother worked as a domestic, two, sometimes three jobs at a time because she didn’t want to be on welfare.
She felt very strongly that if she gave up and went on welfare, that she would give up control of her life and of our lives, and I think she was probably correct about that …
But, one thing that she provided us was a tremendous example of what hard work is like.”
Dr. Carson added:
“The more solid the family foundation, the more likely you are to be able to resist peer pressure. Human beings are social creatures.
We all want to belong, we all have that desire, and we will belong, one way or another. If the family doesn’t provide that, the peers will, or a gang will, or you will find something to belong to.
That’s why it becomes so critical for families with young children to understand what a critical anchor they are.”
Beginning in the 1960s, educational emphasis transitioned from academic achievement to behavior modification.
Voters who were less educated could be more easily manipulated and controlled, as was the case in the Democrat pre-Civil War South.
Basic public morality has been replaced with situation ethics, abortion, unrestrained sexual agendas, and the inciting of racial tensions for political advancement.
A historical example of Democrat-controlled education was North Carolina’s 1831 Act to Prevent Teaching Slaves to Read:
“Any free person, who shall hereafter teach … any slave within the State to read or write … or shall give or sell to such slave … any books or pamphlets, shall … be fined not less than one hundred dollars … imprisoned, or whipped.”
More recently, “racism” has been redefined to mean anyone opposing big government dependency welfare programs .
In politics, this is called “seizing the moral high ground,” where those pushing a cause want to appear before the public as more altruistic and caring, while portraying those opposing them as selfish and less caring.
A classic use of “seizing the moral high ground” is when casinos want to move into an area.
Opponents may cite an increase in crime, drugs, prostitution, bankruptcies, broken homes and child sex-trafficking, but if the casinos donate some of their profits to schools, they can “seize the moral high ground” by claiming to care more about children while portraying their opponents as hating children.
Another popular political manipulation tactic is called “psychological projection” or “blame–shifting,” where the guilty attacker blames the innocent victim.
Sigmund Freud wrote in Case Histories II (PFL 9, p. 132) about psychological projection, where humans, when they are cornered and their guilty is about to be exposed, resort to the defensive mechanism of denying in themselves the existence of unpleasant behavior while attributing that exact behavior to others, ie., a rude person accusing others of being rude.
A noted political technique, “accuse the victim of what you do,” was echoed by Democrat Political advisor David Axelrod (NPR 4/19/10):
“In Chicago, there was an old tradition of throwing a brick through your own campaign office window, and then calling a press conference to say that you’ve been attacked.”
In a tragic irony, dependency on government entitlements is reminiscent of the dependency on Southern Democrat plantations, where slaves waited for handouts from their masters.
This similarity has been pointed out by many black leaders.
Star Parker, founder of CURE (Center for Urban Renewal) wrote Uncle Sam’s Plantation: How Big Government Enslaves America’s Poor and What We Can Do About It.
Rev. C.L. Bryant produced a documentary Runaway Slave Movie, stating: “I am a 'Runaway Slave’ from the Democrats’ plantation.”
C. Mason Weaver wrote It’s OK to Leave the Plantation: The New Underground Railroad.
Wayne Perryman wrote Unfounded Loyalty: An In-Depth Look Into The Love Affair Between Blacks and Democrats.
Rev. Bill Owens is the founder of the Coalition of African American Pastors. His wife, Dr. Deborah Owens, leads “Education for All.”
Bishop E.W. Jackson is the founder of S.T.A.N.D. and The Awakening Radio Show.
Jesse Lee Peterson, president of Brotherhood Organization of a New Destiny, commented on black unemployment being at the lowest level on record, that Donald Trump will be considered a “great president” for helping African Americans leave the Democrat “plantation.”
Yahoo Sports reported June 19, 2019, “Former NFL player on reparations: ‘How about the Democratic Party pay’”:
“A former NFL player testifying before Congress on Wednesday spoke out against the concept of reparations. Burgess Owens, formerly of the Jets and Raiders, spoke during hearings for H.R. 40 …
'I used to be a Democrat until I did my history and found the misery that party brought to my race … Let’s pay restitution.
How about the Democratic Party pay for all the misery brought to my race?‘”
Increasingly, media, music and entertainment is employed to stir racial prejudices and passions for political purposes.
President William Henry Harrison warned of this tactic in his Inaugural, 1841:
“Understanding of men can be warped and their affections changed by operations upon their passions and prejudices.”
Political organizers employ race-baiting tactics to incite racial tensions for political purposes.
Race-politics was first used by Abimelech to overthrow the ancient Hebrew Republic, as recorded in chapter 9 of the Old Testament Book of Judges.
Ablimelech told the men of Shechem:
“'Which is better for you, that all seventy of the sons of Gideon reign over you, or that one reign over you?’ Remember that I am your own flesh and bone’ …
And … the men of Shechem … inclined to follow Abimelech, for they said, ‘ He is our brother’ …
… So they gave him seventy shekels of silver from the temple of Baal-Berith, with which Abimelech hired worthless and reckless men; and they followed him.
Then he went to his father’s house at Ophrah and killed his brothers, the seventy sons of Gideon, on one stone … And all the men of Shechem gathered together … and made Abimelech king.”
Saul Alinsky wrote in Rules for Radicals:
“The organizer’s first job is to create the issues or problems …”
“The organizer must first rub raw the resentments of the people of the community …”
“The organizer … polarizes the issue … and helps to lead his forces into conflict … An organizer must stir up dissatisfaction and discontent …”
“Fan the latent hostilities of many of the people to the point of overt expression …
He must search out controversy and issues, rather than avoid them … for unless there is controversy people are not concerned enough to act.”
This was observed by Republican Booker T. Washington, who had written in My Larger Education-Being Chapters from My Experience (1911, ch. V: The Intellectuals and the Boston Mob, p. 118):
“There is another class of colored people who make a business of keeping the troubles, the wrongs, and the hardships of the Negro race before the public.
Having learned that they are able to make a living out of their troubles, they have grown into the settled habit of advertising their wrongs – partly because they want sympathy and partly because it pays.
Some of these people do not want the Negro to lose his grievances, because they do not want to lose their jobs …”
“There is a certain class of race-problem solvers who do not want the patient to get well, because as long as the disease holds out they have not only an easy means of making a living, but also an easy medium through which to make themselves prominent before the public.”
Rep. J.C. Watts, Jr., stated February 5, 1997:
“Too often when we talk about racial healing, we make the old assumption that government can heal the racial divide …
Republicans and Democrats - red, yellow, black and white - have to understand that we must individually, all of us, accept our share of responsibility …
It does not happen by dividing us into racial groups. It does not happen by trying to turn rich against poor or by using the politics of fear. It does not happen by reducing our values to the lowest common denominator.
And friends, it does not happen by asking Americans to accept what’s immoral and wrong in the name of tolerance …”
“We must be a people who dare, dare to take responsibility for our hatred and fears and ask God to heal us from within.
And we must be a people of prayer, a people who pray as if the strength of our nation depended on it, because it does …”
J.C. Watts concluded:
“I’ve often told the story of a boy and his father.
The father was trying to get some work done, and the boy wanted the daddy’s attention, but the father was busy at his desk with so much to do.
To occupy the boy, this father … remembered that he had seen a picture of the world in this magazine.
In what he thought was a stroke of genius, the father tore out the picture and tore it into 20 different pieces, and he said, ‘Here son. Go put the world back together.’
… And you know what happened? Five minutes later the little Michelangelo was back, saying, ‘Daddy, look what I’ve done.’
The father looked, and he said, ‘Son, how did you do it so quickly? How did you put the world back together so quickly?’
And the little boy answered, ‘Dad, it was easy. There was a picture of a man on the back of the map, on the back of the world. And once I put the man back together, the world fell into place.’
And friends, this is our agenda: to put our men and women back together, and, in that way, get our country back together.”
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