As we watch our national leaders argue over budget priorities in heated debates, it’s important to remember that, from the earliest days of political parties and individual statesmen, there have been differences of opinions about the direction the nation should take. Should funding for the military increase or, in times of peace, should the president recommend a reduction in military support? Should infrastructure projects climb to the top of the budget as expansion becomes a priority? What level of appropriations will stabilize the economy without triggering inflation? What programs are “necessary” as population increases?

Thomas Jefferson came to the presidency in March 1801 with his own list of proposed actions, many designed to counter the overextensions of the John Adams administration. His guiding principle: “a wise and frugal government.” How would the new president translate his thoughts into action? The president truly believed that the purpose of the central government was limited — to “restrain men from injuring” each other while respecting the individual’s right to control his own destiny. After taking the oath of office, he began to fashion his vision of the republic.

The president, who had never served in the military, was nervous about maintaining a standing army, an implemented suggestion Alexander Hamilton had made to George Washington. Jefferson, the student of history, recognized that a standing army might, under unscrupulous leadership and control, be turned on its own citizens. He believed that relying upon the state militia would provide the line of defense needed, and states could more readily control their individual military forces than the government could regulate a large military whose commanding officers might be led by their own ambitions. Decreasing the military would further his goal of lessening debt.

Believing that a limited national budget was best for the economy, the man who could never restrain his own household expenses cut presidential appointees and limited the military to one infantry regiment and one artillery unit (3,500 men). He downsized the Navy, an action that would have consequences early during his presidency. With a smaller budget required, Jefferson recommended that the tax of 1798 be repealed.

The Virginian maintained his belief that agriculture and an economy based on a love of the land and effective production of its bounties was the purest vocation available to man. Jefferson would “encourage agriculture” while viewing commerce only as the “handmaiden” of agriculture, a stance that would anger the New Englanders.

And those odious Alien and Sedition Acts? Jefferson pushed for a congressional repeal of each individual act and, while waiting on Congress, used his presidential pardon to release the last 10 men still sitting in prison. That action put Jefferson in opposition to the judiciary branch created by the Federalists.

Article III of the Constitution had been vague about the court system other than to create a Supreme Court and mention the creation of “lesser courts” as required. The Federalist Congress under two “Federalist” presidents had designed a system of circuit courts and a number of lower courts, all staffed by judges who were Federalists by political philosophy. Jefferson’s opposition was noted, and the Federalists began to refer to the Democratic-Republicans as Jeffersonian Republicans, not a term of endearment.

One of John Adams’s last gifts before leaving office had been to work with Congress on the passage and enactment of the Judiciary Act of 1801. It lessened the Supreme Court from six to five justices, assuring that Jefferson would have no appointments during his first term, and further increased the lower-court system in hopes that the Federalist judges could lessen Jefferson’s attempts to dismantle Adams’s programs. The new courts were staffed with Federalists — in a last-minute move that became known as the “Midnight Judges,” since Adams stayed late to sign the appointments. In his haste to depart from the White House on inauguration morning, the documents of commission remained in his office and was discovered by the new Secretary of State James Madison days later. Madison refused to deliver the commission, arguing that Adams’s power of appointment had ended at midnight and that, since the commission had not been placed in the hands of the appointees, the appointments were null and void.

Jefferson received one more “parting” gift from Adams. Judicial scholar and strong Federalist John Marshall had recently been appointed chief justice of the United States Supreme Court.

A judicial tempest was forming, and the two Virginians would be standing in the eye of the storm.