Thomas Jefferson struggled to bring the government under control and increase the effectiveness of a federal idealism — a balance of power between the central government and the governments of the states. His counterbalancing weight, Chief Justice John Marshall, believed that a stronger centralized government was necessary for creating the stability that the young nation required. And so the pendulum would sway regarding domestic issues during both Jefferson administrations. Aided by his two closest advisors, Secretary of State James Madison and Secretary of the Treasury Albert Gallatin, Jefferson strove to find the appropriate balance during those critical years.

With his extensive foreign policy experience and collaborative approach to leadership, Jefferson entered office envisioning a more peaceful world and improved relationships with European nations. He understood his role as president, relying heavily upon the governmental structure created by the U.S. Constitution and subsequent congressional legislation. The president saw the United States as the Empire of Liberty — the nation that had embraced republicanism and would now draw attention to the role of the people in government in a modern era. No longer would the Britains of the Old World with their ineffective titles and governmental institutions be the model for government. Instead, the United States would become a beacon for change.

Jefferson was, after all, a strict constructionist who believed he was authorized to only take those actions attributed to the president by the Constitution. That is until he was faced with a monumental policy decision that did not fit his “strict constructionist” ideology.

Shortly after taking office, the president dispatched James Monroe to France to join Ambassador Robert Livingston in offering the new French Republic’s leader Napoleon Bonaparte, “Man of the People,” cash in exchange for the city of New Orleans. Opening access to the western lands and trade via the Mississippi River would allow millions of yeomen farmers to gain a permanent foothold in the west, expanding Jefferson’s idea of an agrarian-based economy and a “blessed” life for families. While many had already moved westward, there were still isolated pockets of land waiting to be claimed.

Instead, the embattled Napoleon, abandoning his plans for a French Empire in the New World and facing the growing coalition against his plans to push France’s boundaries farther into the heartland of Europe, offered to sell the newly acquired Louisiana Territory. And Jefferson was faced with a dilemma. Was he authorized to continue the negotiations under the new terms? Port access was a bit different than purchasing more than 830,000 square miles of land, and the strict constructionist was twitching at the thought of changing his very public position.

But doubling the size of the United States for only $15 million? Could it be done?

Secretary of State Madison provided Congress with an assurance that the Constitution allowed them, upon the president’s recommendation, to proceed with the purchase of Louisiana. He cited Article I, Section 8, Clause 18:

“[The Congress shall have Power…] To make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers, and all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any Department or Officer thereof.”

The 1803 purchase ended any French ambitions for North America, and for roughly $18 per square mile, the United States had added over 530,000,000 acres.

Was everyone excited to watch the young nation grow? Not everyone. Some Federalists looked ahead at the expanding “yeoman” possibilities and worried about a loss of power. Perhaps the most caustic remark came for Massachusetts Congressman Fisher Ames, an outspoken critic of Jefferson and his administration, who wrote, “We are to give money of which we have too little for land of which we already have too much.” But the Senate quickly ratified the treaty and the House followed by authorizing the appropriation, much of which Treasury Secretary Gallatin would borrow from foreign banks.

Now that Louisiana had doubled the size of the young nation, Jefferson would have a period of calm. Right? No.

For years, the Barbary pirates had been plundering ships on the Mediterranean Sea, including vessels flying the flag of the United States. They would capture the ships, choose the most valuable cargo items, and often enslave the most skilled sailors, demanding ransom monies for their return. Prior to 1783, British ships aided in protecting the colonial vessels, but, with independence, U.S. ships no longer benefitted from British protection.

While Congress had authorized the payment of tribute as early as 1794, it had also funded the construction of additional ships, the beginning of a true navy. Even though treaties existed between the Barbary States and the U.S., attacks continued, with one occurring just weeks before Jefferson’s inauguration. The new president was hesitant to commit troops to a foreign conflict, but he saw no other practical recourse other than a strong defense of U.S. ships. He ordered the U.S. Navy into the Mediterranean Sea, launching the First Barbary War and witnessing the young Naval Lieutenant Stephen Decatur lead a raid against Tripoli that forced the Barbary nations to concede power. Tunis and Algiers broke their alliance with Tripoli after witnessing the power of the Navy in a series of bombardments on the North African city. Although raids would continue, the control of the Mediterranean by the Barbary nations lessened drastically.

“From the halls of Montezuma to the shores of Tripoli…” The United States Navy and its Marines, under the orders of Commander-in-Chief Thomas Jefferson, a lover of words and not war, had guaranteed the United States a position on the “first world” list of powerful nations.