January 15, 2024

In Brief: Rethinking Early Primary States

How long will the GOP sing for Iowa and New Hampshire’s votes?

“Why is empowering small, super-white, super-secular states a good thing?” wonders political analyst Ben Domenech. He’s specifically considering an uncomfortable truth — the positions Iowa and New Hampshire enjoy at the forefront of the GOP primary, despite not really reflecting where the national party is or needs to be.

Not enough people are asking a pretty obvious question: will 2024 be the last cycle where Iowa and New Hampshire are the first states in the nation to vote on the presidential nomination?

Democrats have already done so because the states are too white. That’s a lot less of a problem for Republicans for several reasons, but it doesn’t mean Iowa or New Hampshire represent the GOP well.

The two parties tend to emulate each other when it comes to schedules, but Iowa and New Hampshire aren’t as non-representative for Republicans as they are for Democrats. That said, the unique aspect that makes this a real possibility is the level of personal vindictiveness that resides well within the capacity of the frontrunner. If New Hampshire, for instance, were to reject Donald Trump in favor of Nikki Haley, it is hard to believe that he would not exert his considerable strength over the Republican National Committee to take away the state’s first in the nation status as punishment for their sin. And if you don’t believe he’s that petty, well, I don’t think you know the man. …

The history of these two states as leading the determinative primary process for both parties is a lot younger than you might think, dating back only to the 1970s. There’s no particular reason Republicans should invest so much weight in two states that have, in the past thirty years, selected just two candidates who eventually became presidents. And for a GOP coalition that, similarly to Democrats, has shifted dramatically in the past ten years, it makes a lot more sense to have states earlier in the process that offer more opportunities for this remade electorate to weigh in.

Domenech says, “The shifts don’t need to be dramatic, and they could easily stay within the regions in question.” He suggests Wisconsin instead of Iowa and, moving on to consider South Carolina’s third-place status, offers North Carolina as an alternative. Either way, he adds:

Winning a state like New Hampshire — with a mere 1.3 million people who together elected two Democratic Senators, two Democratic House members, out of a population that is 93 percent white and, according to Gallup, the least religious in the country — is just not representative of where the Republican Party is, where it is going, or where it wants to go.

Domenech concludes:

Perhaps Republicans will hold on to tradition, even a relatively short one, and stick to Iowa and New Hampshire for the next few cycles. But it’s really only a question of when the party shifts, not if. These states are not growing, and they are not filled with the types of voters Republicans need to win on a national level to take back the White House.

Transom subscribers can read the whole thing here.

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